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Showing posts with label drugs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label drugs. Show all posts

Friday, March 11, 2011

A New Narco-State?

Down the tunnel of drug trafficking? 

The number of warnings of alleged ties between the Hugo Chávez administration and drug trafficking networks grows constantly, as does the number of accusations against Venezuelan Government officials for protecting and covering up Venezuelan nationals and foreigners involved in drug trafficking and terrorism.

One of those accusations came from Walid Makled, a businessman who, for some years, had ties with the Chávez administration and today is in prison in Colombia charged with drug trafficking and is also wanted by the FBI and the DEA for the same reason.
 
At the end of 2010, during an interview on the Colombian television news channel NTN24, Makled dropped this bombshell: “they are accusing me of loading an aircraft at Maiquetía. If they’re going to put me in prison for that, then they should also extradite the director of the DIM (Military Intelligence Agency) at that time, Hugo Carvajal; General Henry Rangel Silva, who in 2006, was responsible for the airport; and (Luis Alfredo) Mota Domínguez.”
 
Rangel Silva, the Chief of the National Armed Force’s Strategic Operations Command; Carvajal Barrios, the director of the DIM; and former Homeland Affairs and Justice Minister Ramón Rodríguez Chacín have apparently been imputed by the US Government for allegedly having committed offenses involving money laundering, cooperating with drug trafficking, and supplying the FARC with weapons.
 
This week, the Department of State published its annual International Narcotics Control Strategy Reportin which it states that: 
  • 1) Venezuela is a point of departure for routes either directly to the United States or via Honduras and Haiti before continuing to Mexico; 
  • 2) some “250 tons of cocaine a year, equivalent to more than 40% of world cocaine production” apparently passes through Venezuela; 
  • 3) “illegal Colombian armed groups –including two international terrorist organizations, the FARC and the ELN- have ties with the most aggressive and successful organizations that traffic drugs through Venezuela”; 
  • 4) the Hugo Chávez administration “does not take action against military and government officials who are known for their relations with the FARC”; and 
  • 5) corruption inside the Venezuelan Government and its “weak and politicized” judicial system contributed to cocaine trafficking going up from 50 mt in 2004 to 143 mt in 2009.
 
If the government has nothing to hide, it should allow the UN’s International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) to send a mission to verify the situation in Venezuela.

Veneconomy

Tuesday, March 8, 2011

Gadhafi's Pal In Venezuela


Weekly Standard: Gadhafi's Pal In Venezuela

Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi and Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, greeting sympathizers in northwestern Venezuela in 2009. Recently, Chavez offered to mediate the dispute between anti-Gadhafi rebels and the Libyan leader, a proposal that was flatly refused by the rebels.
EnlargeJuan Barreto /AFP/Getty Images
Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi and Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, greeting sympathizers in northwestern Venezuela in 2009. Recently, Chavez offered to mediate the dispute between anti-Gadhafi rebels and the Libyan leader, a proposal that was flatly refused by the rebels.
March 7, 2011
Vanessa Neumann is editor-at-large ofDiplomat magazine and a commentator on Latin American politics for Caracol radio.
If Washington is apt to see the recent uprisings in the Middle East — against U.S. allies like Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak as well as adversaries like the Islamic Republic of Iran — in terms of challenges to and opportunities for U.S. strategic interests, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez sees nothing but an opening to boost his own Bolivarian brand.
Consider Chavez's stance toward his OPEC colleague Moammar Gadhafi. Early during the fighting in Libya, there were rumors, maybe even floated by Chavez himself, that the Libyan dictator was about to flee to Venezuela. The government-friendly Venezuelan press speculated that when Gadhafi arrived he would be bearing with him the replica of Simon Bolivar's sword that Chavez gave him in 2009 when he bestowed on his "revolutionary brother" the Order of the Liberator, Venezuela's highest civilian honor. "What Simon Bolivar is to the Venezuelan people," said Chavez, "Gadhafi is to the Libyan people."
When Gadhafi started bombing the Libyan people, and showed that he was not going anywhere, the Venezuelan ruler adjusted accordingly, offering to mediate between the colonel and his rivals. Aides to Chavez said Gadhafi accepted the proposal, though his son did not, and, not surprisingly, the rebels rejected his offer, as has the entire international community. But Chavez is hardly finished meddling in the Middle East, for the relationship between that region's state sponsors of terror and the countries under the influence of Chavez's Bolivarian Revolution is more than just a puppet show. The irony is that if the Venezuelan strongman isn't careful, those Middle Eastern revolts might come back to haunt him.
Of course, Libya isn't the only rogue state under internal pressure that Chavez has warmed to. Venezuela has assiduously nurtured its relationship with Iran such that the Caracas-Tehran alliance may now represent the greatest threat to stability in Washington's direct sphere of influence.
Chavez and Ahmadinejad call each other "brothers" and last year signed 11 memorandums of understanding for, among other initiatives, joint oil and gas exploration, as well as the construction of tanker ships and petrochemical plants. Chavez's assistance to the Islamic Republic in circumventing U.N. sanctions has got the attention of the new Republican leadership of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Connie Mack (both R-FL) have said they intend to launch an investigation into the Venezuelan state oil company Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA). In July, the EU ordered the seizure of all the assets of the Venezuelan International Development Bank, an affiliate of the Export Development Bank of Iran (EDBI), one of 34 Iranian entities implicated in the development of nuclear or ballistic technology and sanctioned by the Treasury Department. In the meantime, Tehran and Caracas have announced that PDVSA will be investing $780 million in the South Pars gas field in southern Iran.
Another key aspect of the two countries' strategic relationship is uranium exploration. Iran is reportedly helping Venezuela find and refine its estimated 50,000 tons of uranium reserves — a deal modeled after Caracas's arrangement with Moscow, which has already signed agreements to build two 1,200-megawatt reactors in Venezuela.
And then there's terrorism and the role that Hezbollah, Iran's Lebanese-based asset, plays in the relationship. Hezbollah's past work in Latin America includes its alleged involvement in two Buenos Aires bombings — the 1992 attack on the Israeli embassy and the 1994 bombing of a Jewish community center. And now, reports are surfacing that Venezuela has provided Hezbollah operatives with Venezuelan national identity cards — a concern raised in the July 27, 2010, Senate hearing for the recently nominated U.S. ambassador to Venezuela, Larry Palmer.
Elsewhere in Latin America, Iran has developed significant relationships with Chavez's allies and fellow Bolivarian Revolutionaries, Bolivia's Evo Morales, Ecuador's Rafael Correa and Nicaragua's Daniel Ortega. For instance, in December 2008 the EDBI offered to deposit $120 million in the Ecuadorean Central Bank to fund bilateral trade, and Iran and Ecuador have signed a $30 million deal to conduct joint mining projects in Ecuador through the Chemical-Geotechnical-Metallurgical Research Center in Ecuador. Even as that deal carefully avoids mentioning uranium, the IAEA's March 2009 plans to help Ecuador explore its vast uranium reserves were largely intended to highlight and preclude Iranian involvement. In February 2010 the Paris-based Financial Action Task Force, a multilateral organization that combats money laundering and terrorist financing, placed Ecuador on a list of countries that failed to comply with its regulations.
The problem for Chavez and the Bolivarians is that in aligning themselves with Middle Eastern rogue states they may have made a bad bet. To be sure, even if Chavez loses Tripoli and Tehran as allies, instability in the Middle East will raise demand for Venezuela's higher-sulfur heavy crude, and the spike in price will help solidify his hold on power as he approaches the 2012 elections. But insofar as Middle Easterners have been inspired by the examples of their peers — from Tunisia to Bahrain and Libya to Iran — there is no reason that Latin Americans should not be similarly moved to go to the streets to demonstrate against their own repressive regimes. Indeed, the signs do not augur well for the Bolivarians.
Recently, 63 Venezuelan students went on a hunger strike to protest Chavez's human rights record, his repression of the country's opposition parties, and his gutting of independent state institutions. They campaigned for international pressure to support the release of high-profile political prisoners, including judges, opposition officials, and members of the national assembly.
As another representative from Venezuela's National Assembly, Maria Corina Machado, recently told me:
"The building of the society we dream about will be done by us Venezuelans, but we do ask the world not to make it more difficult for us, not to legitimize a regime that consistently violates human rights. Venezuelans have a right to raise their voices in protest and demand that other countries not be complicit. What we want is for the true nature of the Venezuelan regime to be recognized, that they have violated all the pillars of a democratic system: There's no respect for human rights, no separation of powers, and recurrent violation of the constitution."
Chavez and his Bolivarian colleagues are on notice — if an Arab tyrant in exile disdains refuge in Venezuela, there's plenty of space for Latin American despots alongside ousted Arab rulers in the deserts of Saudi Arabia.
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Tuesday, November 16, 2010

Chávez the Cocaine Capo


Chávez the Cocaine Capo?

Tuesday, November 9, 2010
One of the world's top drug kingpins may soon be telling U.S. prosecutors everything he knows about Venezuelan officials who have abetted his cocaine smuggling operations.
Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez should be very troubled that a man whom President Obama has branded one of the world's most significant drug kingpins, Walid Makled-Garcia, may soon be telling U.S. federal prosecutors everything he knows about senior Venezuelan officials who have abetted his cocaine smuggling operations. Makled-Garcia's devastating testimony comes on the heels of fresh evidence of Chávez's support for terrorist groups from Spain, Colombia, and the Middle East and his apparent illegal support for Iran's nuclear weapons program. Slowly but surely, Chávez is being unmasked as a mastermind of a criminal regime.
According to a federal indictment unsealed in New York last Thursday, from 2006 through August 2010, Makled-Garcia conspired with Venezuelan officials to ship tons of cocaine from airstrips in that country to Central America, Mexico, and, ultimately, the United States. Manhattan U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara called Makled-Garcia "a king among kingpins." Indeed, the Justice Department has designated him a "priority target," as one of the most dangerous and prolific narcotics traffickers.
Makled-Garcia was once known as one of Venezuela's most wealthy entrepreneurs. He came on to the radar screen of U.S. antidrug authorities years ago, when he was suspected of using his family business operations in the Venezuelan port of Puerto Cabello and his close ties to the Venezuelan military and Colombian narcotraffickers to smuggle cocaine. With the active complicity of dozens of senior Venezuelan authorities, Makled-Garcia allegedly operated a drug smuggling network using airstrips in Venezuelan territory. The family also is suspected of being involved in more than a dozen murders, including those of a respected Venezuelan journalist and a Colombian narcotrafficker.
Based on the U.S. indictment, Colombian authorities arrested Makled-Garcia on August 18, and are currently considering a U.S. extradition request for the notorious suspect. In the meantime, in a jailhouse interview with Colombia's RCN TV last week, Makled-Garcia said he has enough evidence of high-level drug corruption—including videos and bank records—"for the U.S. to intervene and invade Venezuela, as with [Manuel Antonio] Noriega in Panama."
"I gave money to 15 Venezuelan generals," the 41-year-old prisoner told RCN. "If I am arrested for a DC-9 loaded with drugs from the Simon Bolivar Airport, general Hugo Carvajal [director of Venezuela military intelligence], general Henry Rangel Silva [head of internal intelligence], general Luis Mota [commander of the national guard], and general Nestor Reveron [head of the anti-drug office] should be going to jail for that very reason."
In an interview last month with the Venezuelan newspaper El Nacional, Makled-Garcia said, "As evidence of what I'm saying, I have vouchers, account numbers where I have deposited money in the name of wives, brothers and sisters" of "ministers, generals, admirals, colonels and five deputies of the National Assembly."
Acting Administrator of the Drug Enforcement Administration Michele M. Leonhart issued a statement last Thursday making it clear that she expects Makled-Garcia to be surrendered to U.S. authorities. "Due to the outstanding work with our partners in Colombia and elsewhere, Makled-Garcia is behind bars and awaiting extradition to the United States for the crimes in this indictment," she said. "He has built a vast global drug trafficking empire on illicit proceeds. His arrest will impact worldwide supplies of drugs, and we are committed to now ensuring he faces justice in the United States."
Of course, Chávez is desperate to get his hands on Makled-Garcia. He pleaded with Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos to send the Venezuelan detainee home, where he would no doubt be silenced by Chavista police and judges. Santos is unlikely to risk his country's long-standing alliance with U.S. law enforcement by sending Makled-Garcia anywhere but the United States. Moreover, as a signatory to the UN Convention Against Torture, the Colombian government also must satisfy human rights concerns by making a determination that Makled-Garcia will not be subject to torture if he is surrendered to Venezuela.
In a televised interview conducted during a visit to Cuba, Chávez said Sunday that he expected the United States to use Makled-Garcia's allegations "against Venezuela and its president" as a pretext "to take Venezuela to the International Criminal Court, to include Venezuela among states that support narcotrafficking and terrorism, as part of the 'empire's' game to mount operations against the Bolivarian Revolution."
Indeed, U.S. law enforcement agents and prosecutors have Venezuela's criminal network in their crosshairs, and Makled-Garcia is ready to implicate senior ministers and military leaders. Some may think that the conspiracy goes no higher than members of Chávez's inner circle. But Chávez appears to know better.
Roger F. Noriega was ambassador to the Organization of American States from 2001 to 2003 and assistant secretary of State from 2003 to 2005. He is a visiting fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and managing director of Vision Americas LLC, which represents U.S. and foreign clients.
FURTHER READING: Noriega earlier questioned, "Will the U.S. Hand Chávez a License to Kill?" insisted on "Calling a State Sponsor a State Sponsor" of terrorism, and explained how "Hondurans, Not Zelaya, Will Decide Their Future." Elsewhere, he discusses "Chávez's Secret Nuclear Program," "Chávez and China: Challenging U.S. Interests," and "What Chávez Wants with Us."
Image by Rob Green/Bergman Group.

Saturday, October 23, 2010

Mexican Authorities Burn 134 Tons of Seized Marijuana - NYTimes.com

October 21, 2010

Marijuana Bonfire Celebrates a Fragile Calm

TIJUANA, Mexico — It is now the city safe enough for an Al Gore speech.
Indeed, Tijuana has become a place, in the narrative of federal and local officials, not only where the former vice president of the United States can attend a business conference, as he did earlier this month, but where the drug cartels are on the run.
Human remains are no longer discovered partly dissolved in chemicals; shootouts in broad daylight are rare; and local, state and federal law enforcement work so closely that they celebrated this week over the destruction of the largest load of marijuana — 134 metric tons, or about 150 United States tons — ever seized in the country.
“Citizens of Tijuana should be proud of the authorities and the armed forces,” said Gen. Alfonso Duarte Múgica, regional commander of the army, as the seized marijuana erupted in flames and smoke after soldiers set it ablaze.
But the question on the minds of many here is whether this is a fragile peace, or even peace at all.
It is true that this is not 2008, when the headlines reflected a sense of mayhem and out-of-control violence that led to 843 killings, a record high in this city of 1.6 million people across the border from San Diego.
Yet the body count this year stands at 639, on pace to match or exceed the 695 of last year.
“The only thing that has changed is you don’t see spectacular murders in the middle of the city,” said Victor Clark-Alfaro, a visiting professor from Tijuana at San Diego State University who has studied drug violence for years. “The elite feel more safe, but in the neighborhoods where drug dealers and addicts are dying, people do not feel any more safe,” he added.
Questions have also been raised about the hard-line tactics of the police and military here. Human Rights Watch, in a letter to President Felipe Calderón last month, urged him to investigate abuses at the hands of the authorities here, including more than 100 cases in the past year in which the group said people were taken to military bases and tortured into making confessions.
“Tijuana is anything but a model for an effective public security operation,” the letter said.
The police chief here, Julián Leyzaola, an army veteran who has been photographed kicking the body of a gunman believed responsible for killing a police officer, has remained unapologetic, saying a tough line is just what the town needs to clean up its police force and take on organized crime.
He beamed at an elaborate ceremony on Thursday, complete with a military band, bused-in dignitaries, and ample national and international coverage, to burn the tons of marijuana seized earlier in the week.
It was a spectacle meant as much to send a message to the traffickers as to reassure an anxious public of success, any success.
“This was a strike at the structure of this criminal group,” Chief Leyzaola said.
And for a moment at least, residents like Juan Alberto, 21, a law school student who watched the burning ceremony at the invitation of a professor, felt a measure of calm.
“I have felt a little safe these past few months,” Mr. Alberto said. “But I know things can change quickly.
Shopping centers are busy and bars and restaurants are slowly filling again, though American tourists remain scarce.
People go to work and school, and young people are venturing out, though with some trepidation.
“It is getting better, certainly better than a couple of years ago when everybody was afraid,” said Paula Cruz, 20.
Civic leaders have been anxious to put on the city’s best face.
The two-week Tijuana Innovadora conference, intended to stoke investment, concluded Thursday after speeches by Mr. Gore; the co-founder of Twitter, Biz Stone; the co-founder of Wikipedia, Jimmy Wales; Mr. Calderón; and others.
But as if to remind the public of the drug war never far away, two decapitated bodies were found hanging from a bridge, and four young men were killed, both discoveries several miles from the conference.
David A. Shirk, who researches criminal justice in Mexico as the director of the Trans-Border Institute at the University of San Diego, said Tijuana might simply be in a lull while gangs regroup.
He noted that the authorities claimed success both when violence was high, as a sign of destabilization among criminal organizations, and when it was low, as a mark of criminal activity being kept under control.
The violence tends to ebb and flow with little explanation, Mr. Shirk added, as one group gains strength or cuts deals with the police while others fall out of favor or lose ground.
The conventional wisdom is that the gruesome shows of violence decreased after the arrest in January of Teodoro Eduardo García Simental, a kingpin known as El Teo who, among other crimes, was accused of having the bodies of scores of enemies dissolved in vats of chemicals.
Still, the bottom line, Mr. Shirk said, was that the marijuana seizure would not greatly affect the drug market and that “even with 134 tons, there is no sign the flow of drugs into the United States has abated.”
A United States Justice Department report this year said marijuana production in Mexico had increased 59 percent since 2003. The report attributed the increase in production to a 48 percent decrease in eradication efforts over the last four years.
The decrease in crop destruction “is the result of the Mexican military’s focus on antiviolence measures rather than illicit crop cultivation,” the report said.
Alejandro Poiré, the Mexican government’s chief spokesman on security, said in a recent interview that it had and would continue to make big seizures.
The seizure of the big marijuana haul, which occurred Sunday and was announced Monday, came about after the local police happened on a convoy and were fired upon.
They, along with the state police and the military, eventually found three tractor-trailers and a smaller truck in an industrial neighborhood near the border, raising the question of how such a large load could have eluded police and military checkpoints leading into Tijuana from the interior, where most of the marijuana is grown.
The 15,300 bales were tightly wrapped in plastic and aluminum foil, with some labeled “yoyo,” “dog” or “wolf,” or bearing the smiling image of Homer Simpson, apparent branding or labels for drug distributors in the United States.
It will take two days to burn it all.


Mexican Authorities Burn 134 Tons of Seized Marijuana - NYTimes.com

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Friday, August 27, 2010

U.S.: CIA Secretly Pays Afghan Officials

U.S.: CIA Secretly Pays Afghan Officials
August 27, 2010

    The CIA is making secret payments to multiple members of Afghan President Hamid Karzai’s administration to help the agency maintain a deep roster of allies within the presidential palace, according to current and former U.S. officials, The Washington Post reported on Aug. 27. A CIA spokesman denied a statement that a significant number of Afghan officials are on the payroll. A U.S. official said Turkey and Saudi Arabia are among the other countries funneling money into Afghanistan to influence events in the country.

Saturday, August 14, 2010

How Chávez tries to hide the truth about his government

How Chávez tries to hide the truth about his government
Washington Post Editorial
Friday, August 13, 2010; A18

ONE OF the principal goals of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez's foreign policy is preventing governments or international organizations from telling the truth about him. Over the past couple of years, captured documents and other evidence have established beyond any reasonable doubt that Mr. Chávez's regime has provided haven and material support to the FARC movement in neighboring Colombia -- a group that is known for massacres of civilians, hostage taking and drug trafficking, and that has been designated as a terrorist organization by the U.S. State Department and the European Union. That places Mr. Chávez in violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions and, at least in theory, exposes him to U.S. and international sanctions.
Luckily for Mr. Chávez, the Obama administration and other Security Council members have shown little interest in recognizing what, in terms of state sponsorship of terrorism, amounts to a smoking gun. But discussion and debate about the evidence -- such as Colombia's recent presentation to a meeting of the Organization of American States -- makes this ostrich act difficult to continue. So Mr. Chávez has dedicated himself to bullying and intimidating those who dare to speak publicly about what everyone in the Western Hemisphere knows to be true.
His most conspicuous recent target was former Colombian president Álvaro Uribe, who ordered the report to the OAS shortly before leaving office. Mr. Chávez's response to the maps, photographs, videos and other documentary evidence laid out by Colombia's ambassador was to immediately break diplomatic relations and to threaten war. When Mr. Uribe's successor, Juan Manuel Santos, signaled that he was ready to address the FARC problem through private discussions, the Venezuelan caudillo instantly reversed himself. On Tuesday he traveled to Colombia to meet Mr. Santos and agreed to restore relations.
Mr. Chávez also focused his attention on Larry Leon Palmer, the veteran diplomat nominated by the Obama administration as its next ambassador to Venezuela. Some Republicans question whether the United States should retain ambassadorial relations with Mr. Chávez's government, and the nominee received a searching set of "questions for the record" from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's senior GOP member, Richard G. Lugar (Ind.).
To his credit and that of the State Department, Mr. Palmer answered truthfully. He said that he was "keenly aware of the clear ties between members of the Venezuelan government and Colombian guerrillas." He said that he was "concerned" that two individuals designated as international drug traffickers by the Treasury Department "are high-ranking officials of the Venezuelan government." He reported "growing Cuban-Venezuelan cooperation in the fields of intelligence services and the military" and "morale and equipment problems" in the Venezuelan army.
Mr. Chávez once again was quick to respond. On his weekly television show on Sunday, he announced that Mr. Palmer would not be allowed to take up his post in Caracas because "he has disqualified himself by breaking all the rules of diplomacy, by prejudging us." He said that the Obama administration would have to "look for another candidate." The State Department responded that it was sticking with Mr. Palmer. It should. If ignoring the facts about Mr. Chávez is a requirement for sending an ambassador to Caracas, then it would be better not to have one.

How Chávez tries to hide the truth about his government

Friday, August 13, 2010

CNBC.com Article: US Probes Corruption in Big Pharmaceuticals

CNBC.com Article: US Probes Corruption in Big Pharmaceuticals
The US Department of Justice is scrutinizing payments by leading pharmaceuticals companies in markets around the world. The FT reports.
Full Story:
http://www.cnbc.com/id/38688879

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Wednesday, July 21, 2010

Mexico politics: New minister, same challenges EIU ViewsWire






Mexico politics: New minister, same challenges - EIU ViewsWire



FROM THE ECONOMIST INTELLIGENCE UNIT


It ís one of the toughest jobs in Mexico's government: the interior, or government, secretary is responsible for public security as well as domestic political strategy and relations with Congress. It is traditionally viewed to be the most powerful post after the presidency, and a springboard to the top job. Yet President Felipe CalderÛn has named his fourth interior minister in four years, suggesting that the job has proved overwhelming and that the presidentís support base within his own party is growing shaky, in an environment of escalating violence and difficult political challenges. This increases the risk that Mr CalderÛn will be able to accomplish little in what remains of his term.


Mr CalderÛn replaced his previous interior secretary (ìsecretario de gobernaciÛnî), Fernando GÛmez Mont, on July 14th with the relatively unknown JosÈ Francisco Blake, a senior official from the ruling Partido AcciÛn Nacional (PAN) in the government of Baja California state. Mr GÛmez had been named to the post in 2008, after the sudden death of Juan Camilo MouriÒo, one of Mr CalderÛnís closest allies. But Mr GÛmez became highly unpopular because of the ever-growing drug violence in the country, which has taken more than 26,000 lives since the president launched his anti-crime offensive in December 2006. Mr GÛmez also angered many Mexicans by downplaying the worsening drug war and its impact.


He also raised hackles for opposing the conservative PANís strategy of allying with the leftist Partido de la RevoluciÛn Democr·tica (PRD) in some races before the July 4th local and gubernatorial elections. That strategy proved effective in slowing the momentum of the leading opposition party, the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). Mr GÛmez quit the PAN earlier this year in protest at the deal making between the PAN and the PRD, and this seems to have triggered his downfall.


Unstoppable violence


Mr Blake is picking up the portfolio at a time when criminal violence is reaching new heights. This year Mexico is on track to post another record of drug-related deaths, and the incidents are growing bolder by the day. On July 18th gunmen attacked people at a birthday party in the city of TorreÛn, killing 17. This followed a car bomb days earlier in Cuidad Ju·rez that killed four, the first attack of this kind in Mexico. The surge in deaths this year is worrying not only Mexicans, but increasingly officials in Washington.


Mr Blake seems to have had some relevant experience in combating organised crime in Baja California, but whether he can boost confidence in his office and the drug war nationwide is questionable, as the tools he has to work with are weak. Consequently, few believe the violence will end anytime soon. It will be difficult to make significant progress in important areas that need addressing, such as overhauling the corrupt police force and making the weak judiciary more effective, during what remains of the administrationís term (through December 2012), although some reforms in these areas have advanced.


Structural reforms stalled


Although Mr Blake brings some experience in the security area, as an unknown politician on the national level he will be handicapped in fulfilling another crucial part of the job. As interior secretary he is the most important political figure in the cabinet, charged with leading negotiations with opposition parties to advance the governmentís legislative agenda. This, too, will be a tall order in the next two years. Some critics fear that Mr Blake is simply another close friend of the president, and will not be up to the task.


The CalderÛn administration was able to secure some fiscal, pension and other reforms, albeit watered-down ones, in the first half of his term. But its agenda has stalled since the PAN was weakened in mid-term congressional elections last year. On the list of priorities are additional fiscal changes to boost Mexicoís low tax take, liberalisation of labour laws and reforms to allow more private investment into the state-controlled oil industry.


The agenda is ambitious, and legislative progress will be even more difficult as the 2012 presidential elections approach. The PRIónow the dominant party in the lower house of Congressówill be loath to co-operate with the government as it positions itself to regain the presidency (which it lost in 2000 after 71 years of uninterrupted rule). Further tax adjustments probably have the best chance of passage, given Mexicoís fiscal needs, but changes to labour laws and the stateís monopoly control of the oil sector have dim prospects.


Economy minister replaced


In another cabinet shift that investors hope will result in more positive results, Mr CalderÛn named Bruno Ferrari, until now head of ProMÈxico, an investment promotion office set up at the start of the current governmentís term, to the post of economy secretary. He replaces Gerardo Ruiz Mateos, who returns to being a top presidential advisor. The change indicates that the administration recognises the need to improve Mexicoís reputation after last yearís dismal economic performance, when the economy contracted by more than 6%. Mr Ferrariís experience should help support Mexicoís economic recovery and bring investorsí focus back on to the fact that growth has resumed. However, Mr Ferrariís effectiveness in his new role remains to be seen, as ProMÈxico has not been terribly effective in combating Mexicoís deteriorating image abroad of late.


Yet financial markets seem to have applauded Mr Ferrariís appointment: in its wake Mexicoís bond prices rose for several days, suggesting confidence that he will be able to attract more foreign investment.


Nonetheless, better investor, and popular, confidence will require more than just a cabinet shuffle at the top. Indeed, the latest changes are probably more a sign of the administrationís weaknesses at this point in its term than of its strengths. Mr CalderÛnís authority is likely to be increasingly undermined not only by the PANís reduced clout in Congress and the growing boldness of the opposition PRI, but also by the growing popular misgivings about the effectiveness of his government's military offensive against organised crime. Even with more than two years left to his term, he is looking ever more the lame duck.

The Economist Intelligence Unit
Source: ViewsWire

Tuesday, June 8, 2010

Does the Internet Make You Dumber? - WSJ.com


The Roman philosopher Seneca may have put it best 2,000 years ago: "To be everywhere is to be nowhere." Today, the Internet grants us easy access to unprecedented amounts of information. But a growing body of scientific evidence suggests that the Net, with its constant distractions and interruptions, is also turning us into scattered and superficial thinkers.
The picture emerging from the research is deeply troubling, at least to anyone who values the depth, rather than just the velocity, of human thought. People who read text studded with links, the studies show, comprehend less than those who read traditional linear text. People who watch busy multimedia presentations remember less than those who take in information in a more sedate and focused manner. People who are continually distracted by emails, alerts and other messages understand less than those who are able to concentrate. And people who juggle many tasks are less creative and less productive than those who do one thing at a time.
The common thread in these disabilities is the division of attention. The richness of our thoughts, our memories and even our personalities hinges on our ability to focus the mind and sustain concentration. Only when we pay deep attention to a new piece of information are we able to associate it "meaningfully and systematically with knowledge already well established in memory," writes the Nobel Prize-winning neuroscientist Eric Kandel. Such associations are essential to mastering complex concepts.
When we're constantly distracted and interrupted, as we tend to be online, our brains are unable to forge the strong and expansive neural connections that give depth and distinctiveness to our thinking. We become mere signal-processing units, quickly shepherding disjointed bits of information into and then out of short-term memory.
In an article published in Science last year, Patricia Greenfield, a leading developmental psychologist, reviewed dozens of studies on how different media technologies influence our cognitive abilities. Some of the studies indicated that certain computer tasks, like playing video games, can enhance "visual literacy skills," increasing the speed at which people can shift their focus among icons and other images on screens. Other studies, however, found that such rapid shifts in focus, even if performed adeptly, result in less rigorous and "more automatic" thinking.
In one experiment conducted at Cornell University, for example, half a class of students was allowed to use Internet-connected laptops during a lecture, while the other had to keep their computers shut. Those who browsed the Web performed much worse on a subsequent test of how well they retained the lecture's content. While it's hardly surprising that Web surfing would distract students, it should be a note of caution to schools that are wiring their classrooms in hopes of improving learning.
Ms. Greenfield concluded that "every medium develops some cognitive skills at the expense of others." Our growing use of screen-based media, she said, has strengthened visual-spatial intelligence, which can improve the ability to do jobs that involve keeping track of lots of simultaneous signals, like air traffic control. But that has been accompanied by "new weaknesses in higher-order cognitive processes," including "abstract vocabulary, mindfulness, reflection, inductive problem solving, critical thinking, and imagination." We're becoming, in a word, shallower.
In another experiment, recently conducted at Stanford University's Communication Between Humans and Interactive Media Lab, a team of researchers gave various cognitive tests to 49 people who do a lot of media multitasking and 52 people who multitask much less frequently. The heavy multitaskers performed poorly on all the tests. They were more easily distracted, had less control over their attention, and were much less able to distinguish important information from trivia.
The researchers were surprised by the results. They had expected that the intensive multitaskers would have gained some unique mental advantages from all their on-screen juggling. But that wasn't the case. In fact, the heavy multitaskers weren't even good at multitasking. They were considerably less adept at switching between tasks than the more infrequent multitaskers. "Everything distracts them," observed Clifford Nass, the professor who heads the Stanford lab.

It would be one thing if the ill effects went away as soon as we turned off our computers and cellphones. But they don't. The cellular structure of the human brain, scientists have discovered, adapts readily to the tools we use, including those for finding, storing and sharing information. By changing our habits of mind, each new technology strengthens certain neural pathways and weakens others. The cellular alterations continue to shape the way we think even when we're not using the technology.

The pioneering neuroscientist Michael Merzenich believes our brains are being "massively remodeled" by our ever-intensifying use of the Web and related media. In the 1970s and 1980s, Mr. Merzenich, now a professor emeritus at the University of California in San Francisco, conducted a famous series of experiments on primate brains that revealed how extensively and quickly neural circuits change in response to experience. When, for example, Mr. Merzenich rearranged the nerves in a monkey's hand, the nerve cells in the animal's sensory cortex quickly reorganized themselves to create a new "mental map" of the hand. In a conversation late last year, he said that he was profoundly worried about the cognitive consequences of the constant distractions and interruptions the Internet bombards us with. The long-term effect on the quality of our intellectual lives, he said, could be "deadly."

What we seem to be sacrificing in all our surfing and searching is our capacity to engage in the quieter, attentive modes of thought that underpin contemplation, reflection and introspection. The Web never encourages us to slow down. It keeps us in a state of perpetual mental locomotion.

It is revealing, and distressing, to compare the cognitive effects of the Internet with those of an earlier information technology, the printed book. Whereas the Internet scatters our attention, the book focuses it. Unlike the screen, the page promotes contemplativeness.
Reading a long sequence of pages helps us develop a rare kind of mental discipline. The innate bias of the human brain, after all, is to be distracted. Our predisposition is to be aware of as much of what's going on around us as possible. Our fast-paced, reflexive shifts in focus were once crucial to our survival. They reduced the odds that a predator would take us by surprise or that we'd overlook a nearby source of food.

To read a book is to practice an unnatural process of thought. It requires us to place ourselves at what T. S. Eliot, in his poem "Four Quartets," called "the still point of the turning world." We have to forge or strengthen the neural links needed to counter our instinctive distractedness, thereby gaining greater control over our attention and our mind.
It is this control, this mental discipline, that we are at risk of losing as we spend ever more time scanning and skimming online. If the slow progression of words across printed pages damped our craving to be inundated by mental stimulation, the Internet indulges it. It returns us to our native state of distractedness, while presenting us with far more distractions than our ancestors ever had to contend with.
—Nicholas Carr is the author, most recently, of "The Shallows: What the Internet Is Doing to Our Brains."Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page W1
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Thursday, April 15, 2010

Hallucinogens Have Doctors Tuning In Again - NYTimes.com



Hallucinogens Have Doctors Tuning In Again

April 11, 2010
NYTIMESBy JOHN TIERNEY


As a retired clinical psychologist, Clark Martin was well acquainted with traditional treatments for depression, but his own case seemed untreatable as he struggled through chemotherapy and other grueling regimens for kidney cancer. Counseling seemed futile to him. So did the antidepressant pills he tried.
Nothing had any lasting effect until, at the age of 65, he had his first psychedelic experience. He left his home in Vancouver, Wash., to take part in an experiment at Johns Hopkins medical school involving psilocybin, the psychoactive ingredient found in certain mushrooms.
Scientists are taking a new look at hallucinogens, which became taboo among regulators after enthusiasts like Timothy Leary promoted them in the 1960s with the slogan “Turn on, tune in, drop out.” Now, using rigorous protocols and safeguards, scientists have won permission to study once again the drugs’ potential for treating mental problems and illuminating the nature of consciousness.
After taking the hallucinogen, Dr. Martin put on an eye mask and headphones, and lay on a couch listening to classical music as he contemplated the universe.
“All of a sudden, everything familiar started evaporating,” he recalled. “Imagine you fall off a boat out in the open ocean, and you turn around, and the boat is gone. And then the water’s gone. And then you’re gone.”
Today, more than a year later, Dr. Martin credits that six-hour experience with helping him overcome his depression and profoundly transforming his relationships with his daughter and friends. He ranks it among the most meaningful events of his life, which makes him a fairly typical member of a growing club of experimental subjects.
Researchers from around the world are gathering this week in San Jose, Calif., for the largest conference on psychedelic science held in the United States in four decades. They plan to discuss studies of psilocybin and other psychedelics for treating depression incancer patients, obsessive-compulsive disorder, end-of-life anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder and addiction to drugs or alcohol.
The results so far are encouraging but also preliminary, and researchers caution against reading too much into these small-scale studies. They do not want to repeat the mistakes of the 1960s, when some scientists-turned-evangelists exaggerated their understanding of the drugs’ risks and benefits.
Because reactions to hallucinogens can vary so much depending on the setting, experimenters and review boards have developed guidelines to set up a comfortable environment with expert monitors in the room to deal with adverse reactions. They have established standard protocols so that the drugs’ effects can be gauged more accurately, and they have also directly observed the drugs’ effects by scanning the brains of people under the influence of hallucinogens.
Scientists are especially intrigued by the similarities between hallucinogenic experiences and the life-changing revelations reported throughout history by religious mystics and those who meditate. These similarities have been identified in neural imaging studies conducted by Swiss researchers and in experiments led by Roland Griffiths, a professor of behavioral biology at Johns Hopkins.
In one of Dr. Griffiths’s first studies, involving 36 people with no serious physical or emotional problems, he and colleagues found that psilocybin could induce what the experimental subjects described as a profound spiritual experience with lasting positive effects for most of them. None had had any previous experience with hallucinogens, and none were even sure what drug was being administered.
To make the experiment double-blind, neither the subjects nor the two experts monitoring them knew whether the subjects were receiving a placebo, psilocybin or another drug like Ritalin, nicotine, caffeine or an amphetamine. Although veterans of the ’60s psychedelic culture may have a hard time believing it, Dr. Griffiths said that even the monitors sometimes could not tell from the reactions whether the person had taken psilocybin or Ritalin.
The monitors sometimes had to console people through periods of anxiety, Dr. Griffiths said, but these were generally short-lived, and none of the people reported any serious negative effects. In a survey conducted two months later, the people who received psilocybin reported significantly more improvements in their general feelings and behavior than did the members of the control group.
The findings were repeated in another follow-up survey, taken 14 months after the experiment. At that point most of the psilocybin subjects once again expressed more satisfaction with their lives and rated the experience as one of the five most meaningful events of their lives.
Since that study, which was published in 2008, Dr. Griffiths and his colleagues have gone on to give psilocybin to people dealing with cancer and depression, like Dr. Martin, the retired psychologist from Vancouver. Dr. Martin’s experience is fairly typical, Dr. Griffiths said: an improved outlook on life after an experience in which the boundaries between the self and others disappear.
In interviews, Dr. Martin and other subjects described their egos and bodies vanishing as they felt part of some larger state of consciousness in which their personal worries and insecurities vanished. They found themselves reviewing past relationships with lovers and relatives with a new sense of empathy.
“It was a whole personality shift for me,” Dr. Martin said. “I wasn’t any longer attached to my performance and trying to control things. I could see that the really good things in life will happen if you just show up and share your natural enthusiasms with people. You have a feeling of attunement with other people.”
The subjects’ reports mirrored so closely the accounts of religious mystical experiences, Dr. Griffiths said, that it seems likely the human brain is wired to undergo these “unitive” experiences, perhaps because of some evolutionary advantage.
“This feeling that we’re all in it together may have benefited communities by encouraging reciprocal generosity,” Dr. Griffiths said. “On the other hand, universal love isn’t always adaptive, either.”
Although federal regulators have resumed granting approval for controlled experiments with psychedelics, there has been little public money granted for the research, which is being conducted at Hopkins, the University of Arizona; Harvard; New York University; the University of California, Los Angeles; and other places.
The work has been supported by nonprofit groups like the Heffter Research Institute and MAPS, the Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies.
“There’s this coming together of science and spirituality,” said Rick Doblin, the executive director of MAPS. “We’re hoping that the mainstream and the psychedelic community can meet in the middle and avoid another culture war. Thanks to changes over the last 40 years in the social acceptance of the hospice movement and yoga and meditation, our culture is much more receptive now, and we’re showing that these drugs can provide benefits that current treatments can’t.”
Researchers are reporting preliminary success in using psilocybin to ease the anxiety of patients with terminal illnesses. Dr. Charles S. Grob, a psychiatrist who is involved in an experiment at U.C.L.A., describes it as “existential medicine” that helps dying people overcome fear, panic and depression.
“Under the influences of hallucinogens,” Dr. Grob writes, “individuals transcend their primary identification with their bodies and experience ego-free states before the time of their actual physical demise, and return with a new perspective and profound acceptance of the life constant: change.”
Hallucinogens Have Doctors Tuning In Again - NYTimes.com

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Saturday, March 13, 2010

Venezuela murder-rate quadrupled under Chavez

Venezuela murder-rate quadrupled under Chavez: NGO
Reuters
Thursday, March 11, 2010; 12:52 PM 


CARACAS (Reuters) - Homicides in Venezuela have quadrupled during President Hugo Chavez's 11 years in power, with two people murdered every hour, according to new figures from a non-governmental organization.
The Venezuelan Observatory of Violence (OVV), whose data is widely followed in the absence of official statistics, said the South American nation has one of the highest crime rates on the continent, with 54 homicides per 100,000 citizens in 2009.
That rate is only surpassed in Latin America by El Salvador where 70 in every 100,000 citizens were murdered last year, the OVV said, citing official statistics from that country.
Crime repeatedly comes first on Venezuelans' list of worries. It has also begun to drag on Chavez's traditionally high approval ratings as well as scare tourists who come to Venezuela.
"The problem is not so much the criminals, but rather the government's inaction and lack of policies," OVV director Roberto Briceno Leon told Reuters.
Chavez says he is doing his best to combat crime, which he blames on wealth inequalities caused by former governments.
He accuses foes of exaggerating the problem to foment fear, and has recently hiked pay for police officers, as well as launching a new national force.
The Interior Ministry, which last gave official crime statistics in 2004, declined comment on the OVV's new figures.
Briceno, a criminology professor at the Central University of Venezuela and at the Sorbonne in Paris, blamed a weak judicial system and ineffective and corrupt policing in Venezuela, where he said 91 percent of crimes go unsolved.
He collates his figures from police sources and media reports. When Chavez came to power in 1999 there were 4,550 homicides whereas in 2009 there were 16,047, the OVV said.
That means Venezuela experiences every month about as many deaths as occurred in the Gaza Strip during Israel's early 2009 offensive, Briceno said.
With a murder rate of 140 per 100,000 citizens, Venezuela's capital Caracas has the highest murder rate in South America, only exceeded in the hemisphere by Mexico's Ciudad Juarez.
Most of the deaths occur in crowded slums, but crime impinges on all sectors. In richer residential areas at night, cars shoot through red lights on often deserted streets and few people are willing to risk walking outside.
(Reporting by Eyanir Chinea; Writing by Charlie Devereux; Editing by Andrew Cawthorne)



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Monday, August 3, 2009

From Choppers with Buds

Few hurdles for Canada smugglers to get choppers

His case illustrates the remarkable ease with which smugglers have obtained flight training and helicopters as they grab a share of Canada's sprawling, multibillion-dollar trade in marijuana, cocaine and MDMA, or Ecstasy.

Of about 10 pilots arrested in roundups of British Columbia-based helicopter smuggling operations this decade, at least half had recently trained at flight schools, sometimes dropping out once they knew just enough to handle the machine, an Associated Press review found.

Flight school operators say they don't check a student's background or monitor what students do on their own time, though they generally do ask why a student wants to become a pilot. Several said they don't want to train smugglers, but they also don't want to turn away business simply because a prospective student might be heavily tattooed or pay in cash.

"I don't think there's anything we can do," said Chinook Helicopters owner Cathy Press, who has seen several former students arrested for smuggling. "If you went and thought everyone was drug-running, you could tell the police, but maybe you're wrong — and that's not great for business."

Even if her suspicions were correct, she added, "They might put someone in jail, but someone else will step forward, so why get in the middle of it?"

A clean criminal record is not a prerequisite for a pilot's license, said Rod Nelson, a spokesman for Transport Canada, the government agency that oversees the aviation industry. Nor do Canadian officials ask students to disclose previous convictions. They do ask about any substance abuse in an applicant's past.

The U.S. Federal Aviation Administration takes a similar approach, asking flight students to disclose previous convictions and requiring background checks only of foreign students, spokesman Paul Turk said.

Sam Lindsay-Brown was a clean-cut, friendly 23-year-old when he showed up at Chinook Helicopters in Abbotsford to begin flight training in December 2007. He was also a drug smuggler. And for almost a year after Canadian police began investigating him, he remained enrolled, essentially working his way through flight school as a co-pilot on cross-border drug flights.

U.S. agents arrested Lindsay-Brown in February as he put his training to use by making a 426-pound marijuana drop in northeastern Washington state with one of Martin's leased helicopters. He committed suicide in jail four days later.

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police and Transport Canada note that they can't bar people from studying as a pilot or obtaining a license without proof of criminal activity.

"The guy's 20-some-odd years of age, and he's gaining qualifications that can be used for a lawful purpose," said RCMP Cpl. Dan Moskaluk. "It's a tragedy that he chose to get involved in this line of business, instead of pursuing the lawful side of the skills he was acquiring."

The RCMP declined to say whether agents were aware he had been enrolled at flight school. They had been investigating him since spring 2008, after a woman he hired to transport 200,000 tabs of Ecstasy was arrested in California and gave his name to police.

RCMP spokesman Norm Massie said the agency had no record of Lindsay-Brown making prior smuggling flights, but two coconspirators confirmed to the AP that Lindsay-Brown had made several as a co-pilot, meaning he would be paid at least $5,000 to help load and unload contraband and keep an eye out for trouble.

The coconspirators spoke on the condition of anonymity because of their own involvement in criminal activity and fear that they could face repercussions from otherdrug traffickers for speaking with a reporter.

Massie declined to discuss what steps the RCMP takes to monitor flight schools, but said the agency knows that some traffickers get training there.

"We would be remiss not to include that in our investigative techniques," Massie said.

Martin, 37, was sentenced in 2007 in Canada to 2 1/2 years in prison for leading a major drug-smuggling operation in the 1990s, one that started using an airplane after ground couriers were caught.

He said he became involved in drug trafficking about 16 years ago and remains well connected in the smuggling world, though he declined to discuss specifics; he was arrested but has not been charged in Lindsay-Brown's case. In interviews with the AP, he estimated that as many as 30 pilots across Canada make drug-smuggling flights at least occasionally.

Someone looking to hire a pilot can put the word out via Blackberry and hear from pilots as far away as Quebec or Australia by the end of the day, Martin said.

In dozens of interviews with smugglers, pilots, lawyers, Canadian and U.S. authorities, and operators of flight schools and helicopter companies, a snapshot of the highly specialized profession emerged.

Some drug-running pilots are highly experienced. Some do it full-time, and some do it on the side when legitimate business gets slow or unexpected expenses such as helicopter damage leave them struggling to pay the bills. Some enjoy the rush. Some have a thing for getting America high. They all like the money.

One, Shane Menzel, told a federal judge in Seattle that he turned to smuggling because it was so hard to find work as an inexperienced pilot. Many "low-time" pilots must work for years washing helicopters and cleaning out hangars before they get a real flying job.

People familiar with British Columbia's marijuana trade have estimated that anywhere from 30,000 to more than 80,000 pounds of pot per month is smuggled into the United States.

It's a huge business, infusing billions of dollars a year into the province's economy. The province's most prominent gangs — the Hells Angels, the United Nations, the Independent Soldiers — are believed to own most of the drugs moved across the border, but to avoid heat they leave the shipping to others.

Air transport is generally considered the best way to exploit the vast, unpopulated terrain along the border.

Planes can fly faster and farther than helicopters, but need airstrips. Helicopters can skim treetops — flying as close as three feet — to avoid radar detection. They can dart through low mountain passes or river valleys and land at a remote clearing or even a wide spot in a logging road, where they're met by GPS-equipped drivers. They're back across the Canadian border in minutes.

Often, no cash crosses the border, because it might be seized or difficult to exchange, Martin said.

Instead, whoever moves the marijuana or Ecstasy south gives the profit to a U.S.-based cocaine trafficker. That trafficker instructs a contact north of the border to pay the Canada-based owner of the marijuana or Ecstasy.

The cocaine trafficker then takes the proceeds from the marijuana to buy cocaine to be shipped north into Canada, where the transaction happens again in reverse.

A helicopter smuggling operation charges about $350-$550 per pound to fly marijuana south of the border, and $1,500-$1,800 per kilogram to bring cocaine back.

Such an operation, of course, needs helicopters. In Canada, it is difficult to lease a helicopter without an operating certificate, a Transport Canada document that allows someone to use a helicopter for commercial purposes. Such a document is a sign of legitimacy to leasing companies, who typically want to know what their machines are being used for.

But there are ways around that hurdle.

Many smugglers instead simply buy helicopters, registering them to "numbered" companies — 123456789 Ltd., for example. There are 90 helicopters registered for private use to such companies across Canada, Transport Canada records show.

In other cases, smugglers have paid third parties to register the machines for them, or they're not registered at all. One unregistered helicopter with the tail mark C-FTCH has been used in smuggling runs and recently was parked deep in the woods near Cranbrook, in the mountains of southeastern British Columbia, three people with knowledge of the machine told the AP.

Martin bought the first helicopter he acquired in 2007, sight-unseen, for $925,000 from an owner in Texas. No conditions of his bail prohibited him from possessing aircraft. Massie declined to discuss Martin's case, but said generally: "Should those conditions be in place? Absolutely."

The helicopter was eventually repossessed when he couldn't afford more than $1 million in repairs. Meanwhile, Martin tried to lease another helicopter through Gorge Timber, a company registered in his wife's name. The helicopter was a Eurocopter EC-120 put up for lease by a British Columbia company called Vertical Solutions, run by Kevin McCart. Martin said he didn't think he'd be able to get the lease without an operating certificate, but a Calgary city police aircraft engineer, Greg Solar, who had helped him repair his first chopper, had a connection.

"I thought, 'We're a little company, we don't have the best books,'" Martin said. "And all of a sudden Greg's saying, 'I know Kevin McCart. I'll put in a good word for you guys.'"

Solar and McCart declined to speak with the AP, but Martin said he leased the EC-120 for $30,000 U.S. a month, including insurance and maintenance. He had it for about nine months, until last fall, when the owner took it back because uninsured pilots had been flying it. The helicopter was used in cross-border drug flights, Lindsay-Brown's coconspirators told the AP.

Early this year, Martin used Gorge to lease another machine — the Bell 206 Jet Ranger that Lindsay-Brown was arrested in — from Eagle Copters of Calgary, one ofCanada's most prominent helicopter companies.

Mike O'Reilly, Eagle's president, did not return repeated calls from the AP.

"Sure, I have a past, but those charges were a decade ago," Martin said. "If you have the money and you want to get into a helicopter business, you can — doesn't matter who that individual is."

On Feb. 23, the day of his arrest, Lindsay-Brown climbed into the Jet Ranger at Martin's shop and flew it to a snowy clearing outside Ione, Wash. He was to drop off 426 pounds of marijuana and pick up 83 kilos of cocaine, authorities said.

But the driver he was meeting, Len Ferris, had been arrested in Utah with the cocaine. For more than a day, Ferris did not return Blackberry messages from Sean Doak, a recently paroled drug trafficker who was his contact on the Canadian side of the border, Martin said he later learned from Adam Serrano, another man arrested in the case.

That was a clear sign of trouble, but Doak never told Lindsay-Brown about it, and Lindsay-Brown had no clue he was flying into a setup, Martin said.

U.S. agents greeted him with guns drawn.

Martin reported the helicopter stolen. The DEA said it didn't believe him and returned the machine to Eagle Copters.

The following week, another pilot flew down to meet Ferris — with predictable results. This time, it was Jeremy Snow, who recently had done flight training at Okanagan Mountain Helicopters in Kelowna. He was arrested as he landed in Idaho, pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in Seattle and is expected to face four years in prison.

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